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By Linda
Richter and Saadhna Panday
Introduction
The demographic bulge of young people in Africa,
where youth make up 40 percent or more of the population,
presents a unique opportunity to renew and grow
the continent's social and economic capital. As
part of the life course, the youthful years establish
the building blocks necessary for productive adulthood.
Historically, research has focused on the timing
of externally identified transition events - completing
education, taking up employment, establishing independent
households, sexual debut, marriage, and parenthood
[1]. Few studies have focused on young people's
conception of their transition to adulthood, what
they conceive adulthood to mean, and how their development
is facilitated or hindered by structural conditions.
The Status of Youth Report (SYR)1 conducted in
South Africa (SA) in 2003-2004 provides a useful
case study of young people's conceptions of adulthood
and how contextual factors influence the attainment
of self-defined markers of adulthood [2]. The SYR
was conducted as a baseline study to assess achievements
in policy over the last decade and make future,
regular evaluations of the state of young people
in the country. The report was based on a literature
review, secondary data analysis and a nationally
representative survey of 3 541 young people between
the ages of 18 and 35 years.
Meaning of Adulthood
Across culture, age and gender, there was a high
degree of consensus among respondents that being
able to set up and maintain an independent family
and household that is financially sustainable (72.7%),
safe (72.2%) and provides a nurturing environment
for children (72.2%), is central to attaining adulthood
(see Table
1). This was underpinned by the need to establish
financial (62.5%) and residential (61.4%) independence
from parents and the associated requirements of
economic self-sufficiency through education (57.1%).
Young people also placed significant value on psychological
and personal autonomy through independent decision
making (62.5%), acceptance of the consequences of
decisions (68.4%), control over emotions (64.6%)
and relating to adults on an equal footing (63.8%).
Marriage (40.2%), sexual intercourse (40.0%), and
even attaining a specific age (50.9%) were given
less emphasis.
American young people also rejected the notion
that the transition to adulthood is marked by distinct
events [1]. Rather they conceptualized their evolution
to adulthood through a series of processes that
were largely psychological. Arnett [1] argues that
conceptions of adulthood have become associated
with characteristics such as equality and psychological,
financial and residential independence.
Financial Independence
While contemporary young people, including those
in resource-poor countries, place a great deal of
emphasis on independence, high levels of poverty
and unemployment make it difficult to attain, producing
a mismatch between their expectations and the reality
of their experiences [3]. By 2003, young people
comprised 47 percent (88 million) of the unemployed
population globally [4] and in developing countries,
they were 3.8 times more likely to be unemployed
than their adult counterparts [4]. More than two
thirds (67.7%) of respondents in the SYR indicated
that they have never had a job in their life (see
Table
2). What is more, only about a third of young
South Africans (36%) were able to support themselves
financially and the majority (64.7%) were residentially
dependent on parents and other relatives.
High rates of youth unemployment in SA, and on
the continent in general, are a result of very low
levels of job creation, and the increase in the
economically active population. More women are entering
the workforce, and because of the low levels of
job creation, demand by young people seeking work
is higher than the supply.
Changing Notions of Sexuality and Marriage
Like other facets of youth transitions, the link
between sexuality and marriage has undergone profound
change in the last three decades and is inextricably
linked to prevailing socio-economic conditions.
Despite generally good health during this time of
life, sexual risk through HIV/AIDS has become one
of the most severe challenges facing youth across
the globe, and especially in Africa. Of the 10 million
young people living with HIV/AIDS, 6.2 million are
from sub-Saharan Africa. It is now widely accepted
that programmes to address reproductive health challenges
cannot be separated from efforts to improve the
socio-economic, political and environmental situation
that fuel such epidemics [5].
Sexual Debut
The World Youth Report [6] indicated that three
quarters of women in Africa become sexually active
during adolescence. Consistent with global and local
trends [7, 8], young people in SA are embarking
on sexual relationships at earlier ages. The median
age at sexual debut (males-16 years, females-17
years) for 18-to 24-year-olds was lower than that
of 25-to 35-year-olds (18 across gender groups).
Marriage
The link between sexual debut and marriage has also
become tenuous. Even though early marriage still
persists in some parts of Africa [6], in line with
global trends, marriage rates in SA are declining
particularly among African youth (see Figure
1). Consistent with other studies in the country
[9, 10], the SYR demonstrated that few people were
married by age 24.
Customary marriages and cohabitation may displace
or supplement conventional forms of marriage. However,
the SYR survey showed that cohabitation alone could
not account for the decline in marriage or the variations
in marital rates amongst race groups. Lower marital
rates have in part been related to concomitant increases
in labour participation and migration among women,
not only because women on their own need income,
but also because single women have greater freedom
to search for work in areas beyond the household
[11].
Pregnancy
The de-linking of sexuality and marriage has also
meant that pregnancy occurs more often outside of
marriage. It is estimated that one in five births
in sub-Saharan Africa is to a female below 20 years
of age [6]. While SA's total fertility rate is relatively
low compared to other African countries, fertility
amongst adolescent females is high [7]. In the SYR
survey, 32 percent of all respondents had been pregnant
or had made someone pregnant, and just over a quarter
of African females aged 18 to 24 years had fallen
pregnant (see Table
3).
What is more, of those who had been pregnant, 70
percent were unplanned pregnancies, a proportion
similar to that found in previous surveys [7, 12].
Pregnancy also plays a significant role in interrupting
education. In the KwaZulu-Natal Transitions study
[12], although financial difficulties largely account
for the interruption of schooling for both males
and females, pregnancy was the most important reason
cited by females (39%). Unplanned or unwanted pregnancy
may therefore be a major determinant of delayed
or incomplete education, limited future life chances
and chronic poverty.
Discussion
The findings outlined in this paper illustrate two
important points: (1) Young people's conceptions
of adulthood have changed relative to the discrete
events of school to work transition and work to
family life transition that traditionally marked
the transition to adulthood. There is a great emphasis
on the establishment of their independence and responsibility
for their own family. (2) However, progression along
this path is severely constrained by the prevailing
socio-economic conditions.
In common with young people in other parts of the
world, young South Africans are spending more time
in education, experiencing delayed entry into the
labour market, and increasing the gap between sexual
debut and marriage. Like their peers on the continent,
they have to contend with inordinately high rates
of unemployment. Consequently, the completion of
education does not always lead to a job. Marriage
is also delayed - by the longer time spent in education;
delays in finding employment; prolonged economic
and residential dependence; and changing views of
marriage as gender roles are re-negotiated and legislation
governing relationships is increasingly rights-based,
making it less necessary to be married. As the events
of education, employment, marriage and parenthood
do not represent a linear pathway to adulthood,
how are they negotiating the more circuitous routes
to adulthood made necessary by socioeconomic and
other constraints?
The extent of unemployment, economic dependency
and difficulties in establishing economic independence
can lead young people to experience high levels
of frustration, despair, envy and resentment because
they are prevented from attaining the material and
social success held up as important by society and
the media. These obstacles also have important implications
for young people's sexual and reproductive health,
particularly in the context of the HIV/AIDS pandemic.
Earlier sexual debut, outside of stable relationships,
increases the likelihood of HIV infection, as well
as unplanned and unwanted pregnancy. For this reason,
Rutenberg et al. [12] argue that "sexual health
and youth opportunity outcomes are highly interconnected".
Any attempts to influence sexuality and marriage
patterns among young people cannot be separated
from the broader social development context. Poverty
and underdevelopment coupled with lack of opportunities
for sustainable livelihoods, limited access to education,
gender biases, traditional practices and sexual
violence act in tandem to increase sexual risk and
consequently poor reproductive health outcomes [5].
The World Youth Report therefore asserts that after
ten years of country level experience, a global
consensus has been reached on the need to link reproductive
health programmes with efforts that offer options
and choices to young people through education and
skills development [13].
References
1. Arnett, JJ. (1997). Young people's conceptions
of the transition to adulthood. Youth &
Society; 29(1): 3-23.
2. Richter L, Panday S, Emmett T, Makiwane M, du
Toit R, Brookes H, Potgieter C, Altman M, and Makhura
M. (2005). The Status of the Youth Report 2003.
A report by the Human Sciences Research Council
commissioned by the Umsobomvu Youth Fund.
3. Morrow V, Richards M. (1996). Young people's
transition to adulthood. Social Policy Research
98-May 1996: 1-4. http://www.jrf.org.uk/knowledge/findings/socialpolicy/SP98.asp
4. International Labour Office. (2004). Global
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5. African Union. (2004). The state of the
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8. Shisana O, Simbayi LC (Eds.). (2002). Nelson
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11. Posel D, Casale D. (2003). What has been happening
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12. Rutenberg M, Kehus-Alons C, Brown L, Macintyre
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Acknowledgements
We are grateful to the Umsobomvu Youth Fund, South
Africa for funding this study. We acknowledge the
contribution of the co-authors on the Status of
Youth Report 2003.
* Linda Richter (Ph.D) and Saadhna Panday
(Ph.D) both work in the Child, Youth, Family and
Social Development section of the Human Sciences
Research Council, South Africa.
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