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By Eno
Blankson Ikpe
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A
young woman in traditional attire at the
Cross River State Carnival 2006. The carnival
is held annually in Calabar, the Cross River
State capital. Photo credit: www.queenzy.wordpress.com |
Introduction
In the discourse on sexuality, culture is seen as
one of the most important aspects affecting sexuality.
Though culture is always in a state of flux, changing
continually, in the discourse on sexuality, culture
is often imagined as static, unchanging and exerting
a limiting impact on sexuality. As in most aspects
of human life, sexuality in Africa has been affected
through the ages by different developments - economic,
political, and social. In relation to women, culture
has been seen as a factor denying them the full
expression and experience of pleasurable sexuality.
This paper, drawing from a recent ethnographic research
conducted by the author, illustrates how women work
within their cultures to exert some level of control
in their lives in spite of the limitations that
may exist and to enjoy pleasurable sexuality. Examples
are from the Efik of Calabar in south-south Nigeria.
Young men from other ethnic origins visiting or
living in Calabar are often cautioned not to get
involved with Calabar women. These women are said
to be excellent in matters of sexuality and are
sought after by men as wives, women-friends or mistresses.
Due to their alleged expertise in relationships
with men, they have been accused of promiscuity
and using love potions on men and thereby dominating
them. In this paper, it is argued aimed that the
‘success’ of Calabar women does not
depend on love potions but on their ability to take
control of the circumstances around them and create
an environment that enables pleasurable sexuality.
This ability, as argued in this paper, is culture-bound.
The Research
I conducted my research in Uyo State, in south south
Nigeria to investigate the experience of sexual
satisfaction and pleasurable sexuality in the context
of Female Genital Cutting (FGC); and to uncover,
what in Efik culture, could explain the perceived
‘sexual success and attractiveness’
of Efik women who are circumcised women. Specifically,
the research aimed to: 1.) investigate why in spite
of circumcision, Efik women are perceived to provide
sexual pleasure more than women from other cultures
2.) examine whether Efik women are mere providers
of sexual pleasures or whether they are sexually
satisfied in spite of the fact that they are circumcised.
Hundreds of Women between the ages 35 and 85 were
identified and interviewed. Half of them were circumcised
while the other 50 were uncircumcised Structured
and unstructured interview methods were used to
gather information. The information gathered are
still being analysed but some of the results are
used in this study.
Efik Culture, Women and Sexuality
Like in many traditional African societies in the
pre-colonial times, Efik society was dominated by
patriarchal norms, which made women highly dependent
on men[1]. Since women’s economic life and
sustenance depended to a large extent on their male
partners or other male benefactors, it was important
to train or socialise women in such a way that they
would always be in a position to receive and ensure
the favours of their husbands and men friends.
Sexuality education for girls was provided through
the “fattening room” institution called
mbobi. Mbobi means female circumcision.
When a girl participates in the circumcision ceremonies,
the expression is used is ana mbobi –
to lay down for circumcision. This is followed by
nkugho, a period of ‘fattening’
and rest during which the girl recuperated from
the surgery and was kept in seclusion. These processes
marked the initiation of a female youth into adulthood.
Female circumcision in Efik culture involved the
excision of the tip of the clitoris [2]. The circumcision
procedure and the accompanying seclusion and fattening
processes were done for several reasons: 1) to enhance
the erotic by ‘beautifying’ the genitalia
and making the girl plump; 2) to reduce excessive
sexual urges and curb promiscuity; 3) to serve as
a distinctive mark of Efik womanhood.
Circumcision and Seclusion
Traditionally, circumcision in Efik society was
a mark of an adult and virtuous woman. It signified
the identity of an Efik woman and her womanhood,
which contributed to the definition of self and
to the self-esteem of women. It was thought that
a woman who was able to undergo the circumcision
procedure, was mentally ready to enjoy sex and to
bear children.
Failure to undergo circumcision resulted in grave
consequences for the woman. She would experience
limitations in expressing her sexuality as she would
be perceived as weak and immoral. This could also
lead to an inferiority complex and ineligibility
for marriage among other factors, all of which led
to social stigmatisation and the economic consequences
of remaining single.
No woman wanted to face such consequences. The
pain and the risk of not undergoing circumcision
were far greater than whatever pain and risk would
result from the operation. A woman felt a sense
of completeness as a real woman after circumcision
and seclusion instead of feeling mutilated contrary
to what is documented in the literature on female
genital mutilation [3,4,5].
Circumcision was followed by a period of seclusion,
which could last from six months to one year according
to the ability of the girl’s parents. During
this period, the young girl was fed with choice
foods to make her put on weight and achieve a degree
of plumpness. This roundness of the female body
was considered sexually appealing and was seen as
good for childbearing. The young girl was also given
cosmetic treatment to make her skin soft, supple,
smooth and attractive. The erotic areas were well
massaged and she was taught many exercises to make
her sexually agile. All these were believed to be
necessary to make her sexually appealing enough
to get a suitor immediately after her outing ceremony.
Sexuality Education
Above all, it was during the seclusion period that
the girls received their sexuality education and
they were exposed to all the secrets about sexual
intercourse. Coitus in Efik culture was seen as
desirable not only for procreation but for the enjoyment
of a couple. The right of women to sexual enjoyment
was recognized.
Efik women seemed to have recognized the inadequacy
of men to give them sexual pleasure since men seem
to concentrate most times on their own sexual pleasure
and satisfaction. Traditional sexuality education
developed by Efik women emphasized the responsibility
of the woman to create pleasure for both partners
[6].
Thus, women in Efik culture believed that they should
take the lead in sexuality matters and not leave
it to men. During the period of seclusion, young
women were taught the subtleties and the intricacies
of man-woman relationships, of sex and sexual pleasures
and satisfaction. Therefore, instead of the culture
rendering women passive participants in the sexual
act, Efik culture made women active agents in directing
the course of events. It is this agency of Efik
women in sexuality matters which has made them very
popular with men. This creates some concern among
women from other cultures because they fear losing
their husbands to Calabar women!
Other forms of training which enhance sexuality
were also provided to empower the young females
to be adept at creating an enabling environment
for mutually pleasurable sexuality. Areas of training
included: home keeping, personal cleanliness, husband
care and petting, good relationships with members
of the husband’s family, and how to remain
adorable and desirable to the man.
Since men were free to marry as many wives as they
could afford, it was left to the women to make sure
that they engaged their male partners in such a
way that they had no room to look at other women.
In the event that the husband married other women,
the competition to attract the attention of the
husband intensified. Women were constantly exchanging
ideas and learning new techniques to enhance their
sexuality for their own survival. Therefore, learning
the skills to be able to attract and keep a man
was important to the success of a woman in Efikland.
Sexuality education was not only confined to the
period of seclusion but was given from childhood.
The period of seclusion was actually the final phase
of sexuality education for the Efik woman. The Efiks
placed a lot of emphasis on the whole lifestyle
of a female child. The cultivation of the sensual
for the enhancement of sexuality was stressed. Mothers
were concerned about the way the girls talked, walked,
carried themselves, interacted, cooked, served the
food and entertained visitors. From childhood, the
culturally acceptable ways of doing these were inculcated
into the girl-child. By the time of seclusion, the
Efik girl was already very adept in these things.
Also, the culture of communality, which was common
in Efikland, as opposed to individualism fostered
pleasurable sexuality between married couples. There
were always other members of the family around to
help with the children and other house chores, thus,
releasing the wife from a heavy workload and thereby
enabling a more relaxed mood for her to give and
receive sexual pleasures.
Pleasurable Sexuality
Weeks defines sexuality as the cultural way of living
out our bodily pleasures. In this definition, pleasure
is embedded in sexuality [7]. For the Efiks, pleasurable
sexuality was seen as a culmination of a harmonious
relationship between a man and woman and which involved
a series of events, whose climax is a satisfying
sexual experience. Pleasure and contentment could
still be derived even if the events of the day did
not end in sexual intercourse. A clean harmonious
environment, good food, cooked with care and served
with love and good flow of communication all contributed
to the achievement of pleasurable sexuality.
Female Circumcision and Pleasurable Sexuality
In this paper it is argued that contrary to the
widely held opinion that women who have undergone
circumcision are incapable of enjoying pleasurable
sexual activities, women in Efikland learned to
give and to receive pleasure even after undergoing
circumcision.
From my ongoing research among Efik and Ibibio,
what is emerging is that women who have undergone
female circumcision do not reveal substantial limitation
in sexual enjoyment. Of the 100 women interviewed,
80 percent were of the view that sexual enjoyment
and pleasure does not depend on the level of intactness
of the clitoris but rather on intimacy and the disposition
of those involved in the sexual act. It is true
that these women have no experience of sexual intercourse
with the clitoris intact, but the fact remains that
they do enjoy sexual intercourse, sometimes reach
orgasm and they do not feel impaired. 82 percent
claimed to enjoy sex and desire it. 62 percent were
of the view that their need for a long foreplay
may be connected to the lack of a clitoris.
My research did not uncover much difference in
sexual enjoyment between the uncircumcised and the
circumcised, 84 percent of the uncircumcised also
claimed to enjoy sex. The rest maintained that they
enjoy sex occasionally. This could be an indication
that sexual pleasure does not depend only on the
clitoris but also on the totality of the sensual
stimulation. One of the uncircumcised 46 year-old
interviewees confessed: until recently, I concentrated
only on my clitoris for pleasure. It was only through
rubbing of the clitoris that I reached a climax.
No amount of intercourse could lead to a climax.
Recently, for reasons I cannot explain, I started
getting a lot of pleasure from intercourse even
when my clitoris is not touched. I have noticed
that the pleasure from rubbing the clitoris comes
and goes quickly, but from intercourse, it takes
time to come and it is more satisfying’
At present, the culture of circumcision and seclusion
is dying out. This is due to the fact that most
adolescent females in Calabar are students and there
is no time for the long period of seclusion, which
is deemed an integral part of the circumcision procedure.
There have also been widespread campaigns against
female circumcision since the early twentieth century
by the missionaries, government and recently NGOs.
All the women interviewed who had undergone the
circumcision procedure were over thirty-five years.
The Nigerian Demography and Health survey(NDHS)2003
shows that nearly three quarters (73.7%)of the women
say that the practice should be discontinued [8].
The researcher did not locate any girl below the
age of twenty who was circumcised. Though women
do not lament the waning of this practice, they
lament the loss of the opportunity to benefit from
the traditional sexuality education that was an
integral part of the circumcision ceremonies.
Contra Power and Sexuality
Contra power [9] involves the negotiation for and
accomplishment of advantageous outcomes from a weaker
position. In the field of sexuality, power is always
at play [10] and this is always tilted in favour
of men [1]. Nevertheless, Foucault [11] has observed
that, with regard to sexuality, no one agent controls
absolute power as there is diffusion in the control
of power so that the dominating could be the dominated.
Efik women recognized the power they controlled
as sexual beings and used it to provide pleasures
for themselves and their partners. Sexuality became
the tool with which to negotiate economic, political
and social status. Having recognized the significance
of their sexuality as a negotiation tool, Efik women
through the centuries developed sexuality-enhancing
procedures and disseminated sexuality information
through appropriate education. Efik women’s
sexuality education contained a great deal of subversive
instructions to silently counter the patriarchal
and dominating agendas of the society.
Because of the efficacy of Efik women in providing
pleasurable sexuality, they were able to achieve
advantageous outcomes. Over time, they slowly gained
rights to their husbands’ property and the
right to inherit property from their fathers. The
rights which Efik women have succeeded in negotiating
through the ages has led to a situation whereby
both men and women have equal rights of inheritance
in Efikland. Women are sometimes appointed the heads
of houses and wards. Indeed, the relative powerful
positions of women in Efikland have led some observers
to erroneously assert that Efikland is a matrilineal
society.
Conclusion
Though culture is mostly dominated by patriarchal
norms, women can still work within the confines
of culture and patriarchy to achieve pleasurable
sexuality and other favourable outcomes. Using contra
power, which Tamale [12] describes as “silent
struggles”, Efik women have negotiated equal
political status with men and rights to inheritance.
Culturally, they have rights to their children in
divorce. Efik women utilised what they had to acquire
what they desired. These are the rights, which other
women elsewhere are still fighting for today!
References
1. Oyekanmi, F. (2004) ‘Socio-Economic dimension
of Gender Equality in Nigeria’, In Akinboye,
S (ed.), Paradox of Gender Equality in Nigeria,
Lagos: Concept Publications, 41-61.
2. Ikpe, E. B. (2004): “Human Sexuality in
Nigeria: A Historical Perspective”, Understanding
Human Sexuality, Seminar Series No 1: 10-38.
3. Babatunde,ED (1998) Women’s Right versus
women’s Rites: A study of circumcision among
the ketu Yoruba of south western Nigeria. Lauwrenceville
Africa World press
4. Lightfoot-Klein H (1990) Prisoners of Ritual:
An odyssey into Female Genital circumcision in Africa.
New York:Harrinton park press
5. Ajikobi D.(2000) Circumventing the essence
of circumcision,Ibadan;Promocomms Ltd
6. Ayi, M. O. (2006): Interview at her residence
No 18 Ebuka Street, Calabar.
7. Weeks, J (2003): Sexuality, 2nd Edition,
London: Routledge
8. National Population Commission (NPC) [Nigeria]
and ORC Macro. (2004) Nigeria Demographic and
Health Survey 2003. Carverton, Maryland: National
Population Commission and ORC Macro
9. Mckinney, K. (1994): ‘Contra Power and
Sexual Harassment: The Effects of Student Sex and
Type of Behaviour on Faculty Perceptions’,
Sex Roles, 27: 1-17.
10. Leclerc-Madlala, (2004) ‘Field of Sexuality
Studies: What is It?’ Sexuality in Africa
Magazine, 1,1:4-6.
11. Foucault, M (1990): The History of Sexuality:
An Introduction, New York: Vantage Books
12. Tamale, S. (2006): ‘The Right to Culture
and The Culture of Rights: A Critical Perspective
on Women’s Sexual Rights in Africa’,
Paper presented at the Conference with the Theme
“Up Against the Nation-States of Feminist
Theory”. June 30 – July 1, 2006, AHRC
Research Centre for Law, Gender and Sexuality, University
of Kent, UK.
* Eno Blankson Ikpe is Senior Lecturer
in Social and Economic History in the University
of Lagos, Nigeria. She has written books on food,
gender and sexuality.
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